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Top 65 grocery deals this week for your holiday dinner Dec. Tar Heel Traveler. Find Christmas gifts galore at Callahan's in Calabash. Rocky Mount couple has run local dry cleaning business for 64 years. Tim's Gift in Clinton gives medical supplies to those in need in namesake's memory. Dinosaurs light up the night at Wayne County Christmas light show. Downtown Clinton alight with holiday cheer. Hometown Carolina. Support local businesses, communities, non-profits through the Hometown Carolina store.

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What Remains. California voters have now received their mail ballots, and the November 8 general election has entered its final stage. Amid rising prices and economic uncertainty—as well as deep partisan divisions over social and political issues—Californians are processing a great deal of information to help them choose state constitutional officers and state legislators and to make policy decisions about state propositions.

The midterm election also features a closely divided Congress, with the likelihood that a few races in California may determine which party controls the US House. These are among the key findings of a statewide survey on state and national issues conducted from October 14 to 23 by the Public Policy Institute of California:.

Today, there is a wide partisan divide: seven in ten Democrats are optimistic about the direction of the state, while 91 percent of Republicans and 59 percent of independents are pessimistic.

Californians are much more pessimistic about the direction of the country than they are about the direction of the state. Majorities across all demographic groups and partisan groups, as well as across regions, are pessimistic about the direction of the United States. A wide partisan divide exists: most Democrats and independents say their financial situation is about the same as a year ago, while solid majorities of Republicans say they are worse off. Regionally, about half in the San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles say they are about the same, while half in the Central Valley say they are worse off; residents elsewhere are divided between being worse off and the same.

The shares saying they are worse off decline as educational attainment increases. Strong majorities across partisan groups feel negatively, but Republicans and independents are much more likely than Democrats to say the economy is in poor shape. Today, majorities across partisan, demographic, and regional groups say they are following news about the gubernatorial election either very or fairly closely. In the upcoming November 8 election, there will be seven state propositions for voters.

Due to time constraints, our survey only asked about three ballot measures: Propositions 26, 27, and For each, we read the proposition number, ballot, and ballot label. Two of the state ballot measures were also included in the September survey Propositions 27 and 30 , while Proposition 26 was not. This measure would allow in-person sports betting at racetracks and tribal casinos, requiring that racetracks and casinos offering sports betting make certain payments to the state to support state regulatory costs.

It also allows roulette and dice games at tribal casinos and adds a new way to enforce certain state gambling laws. Fewer than half of likely voters say the outcome of each of these state propositions is very important to them.

Today, 21 percent of likely voters say the outcome of Prop 26 is very important, 31 percent say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important, and 42 percent say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important. Today, when it comes to the importance of the outcome of Prop 26, one in four or fewer across partisan groups say it is very important to them.

About one in three across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important to them. Fewer than half across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important to them.

When asked how they would vote if the election for the US House of Representatives were held today, 56 percent of likely voters say they would vote for or lean toward the Democratic candidate, while 39 percent would vote for or lean toward the Republican candidate.

Democratic candidates are preferred by a point margin in Democratic-held districts, while Republican candidates are preferred by a point margin in Republican-held districts. Abortion is another prominent issue in this election. When asked about the importance of abortion rights, 61 percent of likely voters say the issue is very important in determining their vote for Congress and another 20 percent say it is somewhat important; just 17 percent say it is not too or not at all important.

With the controlling party in Congress hanging in the balance, 51 percent of likely voters say they are extremely or very enthusiastic about voting for Congress this year; another 29 percent are somewhat enthusiastic while 19 percent are either not too or not at all enthusiastic.

Today, Democrats and Republicans have about equal levels of enthusiasm, while independents are much less likely to be extremely or very enthusiastic. As Californians prepare to vote in the upcoming midterm election, fewer than half of adults and likely voters are satisfied with the way democracy is working in the United States—and few are very satisfied. Satisfaction was higher in our February survey when 53 percent of adults and 48 percent of likely voters were satisfied with democracy in America.

Today, half of Democrats and about four in ten independents are satisfied, compared to about one in five Republicans. Notably, four in ten Republicans are not at all satisfied. In addition to the lack of satisfaction with the way democracy is working, Californians are divided about whether Americans of different political positions can still come together and work out their differences. Forty-nine percent are optimistic, while 46 percent are pessimistic.

Today, in a rare moment of bipartisan agreement, about four in ten Democrats, Republicans, and independents are optimistic that Americans of different political views will be able to come together. Notably, in , half or more across parties, regions, and demographic groups were optimistic. Today, about eight in ten Democrats—compared to about half of independents and about one in ten Republicans—approve of Governor Newsom.

Across demographic groups, about half or more approve of how Governor Newsom is handling his job. Approval of Congress among adults has been below 40 percent for all of after seeing a brief run above 40 percent for all of Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to approve of Congress. Fewer than half across regions and demographic groups approve of Congress. Approval in March was at 44 percent for adults and 39 percent for likely voters. Across demographic groups, about half or more approve among women, younger adults, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latinos.

Views are similar across education and income groups, with just fewer than half approving. Approval in March was at 41 percent for adults and 36 percent for likely voters.

Across regions, approval reaches a majority only in the San Francisco Bay Area. Across demographic groups, approval reaches a majority only among African Americans. This map highlights the five geographic regions for which we present results; these regions account for approximately 90 percent of the state population.

Residents of other geographic areas in gray are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately. The PPIC Statewide Survey is directed by Mark Baldassare, president and CEO and survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California.

Coauthors of this report include survey analyst Deja Thomas, who was the project manager for this survey; associate survey director and research fellow Dean Bonner; and survey analyst Rachel Lawler. The Californians and Their Government survey is supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Findings in this report are based on a survey of 1, California adult residents, including 1, interviewed on cell phones and interviewed on landline telephones. The sample included respondents reached by calling back respondents who had previously completed an interview in PPIC Statewide Surveys in the last six months.

Interviews took an average of 19 minutes to complete. Interviewing took place on weekend days and weekday nights from October 14—23, Cell phone interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of cell phone numbers.

Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of cell phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California. All cell phone numbers with California area codes were eligible for selection. After a cell phone user was reached, the interviewer verified that this person was age 18 or older, a resident of California, and in a safe place to continue the survey e.

Cell phone respondents were offered a small reimbursement to help defray the cost of the call. Cell phone interviews were conducted with adults who have cell phone service only and with those who have both cell phone and landline service in the household. Landline interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of telephone numbers that ensured that both listed and unlisted numbers were called.

Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of landline phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California. All landline telephone exchanges in California were eligible for selection.

For both cell phones and landlines, telephone numbers were called as many as eight times. When no contact with an individual was made, calls to a number were limited to six. Also, to increase our ability to interview Asian American adults, we made up to three additional calls to phone numbers estimated by Survey Sampling International as likely to be associated with Asian American individuals.

Accent on Languages, Inc. The survey sample was closely comparable to the ACS figures. To estimate landline and cell phone service in California, Abt Associates used state-level estimates released by the National Center for Health Statistics—which used data from the National Health Interview Survey NHIS and the ACS. The estimates for California were then compared against landline and cell phone service reported in this survey.

We also used voter registration data from the California Secretary of State to compare the party registration of registered voters in our sample to party registration statewide. The sampling error, taking design effects from weighting into consideration, is ±3. This means that 95 times out of , the results will be within 3. The sampling error for unweighted subgroups is larger: for the 1, registered voters, the sampling error is ±4. Either way, the simple fact that Microsoft is apparently willing to maintain any restrictions on its own ability to put first-party games on Game Pass is rather remarkable, given that making Game Pass more appealing is one of the reasons for its acquisition spree.

The irony of Sony making deals like this one while fretting about COD's future on PlayStation probably isn't lost on Microsoft's lawyers, which is no doubt part of why they brought it up to the CMA. While it's absolutely reasonable to worry about a world in which more and more properties are concentrated in the hands of singular, giant megacorps, it does look a bit odd if you're complaining about losing access to games while stopping them from joining competing services.

We'll find out if the CMA agrees when it completes its in-depth, "Phase 2" investigation opens in new tab into the Activision Blizzard acquisition, which is some way off yet. For now, we'll have to content ourselves with poring over these kinds of corporate submissions for more interesting tidbits like this one. So far, we've already learned that Microsoft privately has a gloomy forecast for the future of cloud gaming opens in new tab , and that the company thinks Sony shouldn't worry so much since, hey, future COD games might be as underwhelming as Vanguard opens in new tab.

Who knows what we'll learn next? Sign up to get the best content of the week, and great gaming deals, as picked by the editors. One of Josh's first memories is of playing Quake 2 on the family computer when he was much too young to be doing that, and he's been irreparably game-brained ever since. His writing has been featured in Vice, Fanbyte, and the Financial Times.

Work fast with our official CLI. Learn more. Please sign in to use Codespaces. If nothing happens, download GitHub Desktop and try again. If nothing happens, download Xcode and try again. There was a problem preparing your codespace, please try again. Modular standard library for JavaScript.

You can load only required features or use it without global namespace pollution. If you are looking for documentation for obsolete core-js 2 , please, check this branch. core-js isn't backed by a company, so the future of this project depends on you. Become a sponsor or a backer if you are interested in core-js : Open Collective , Patreon , Bitcoin bc1qleaqtsmj2rayg0lthvza9fau63ux0fstcz.

Or you can use core-js from CDN. The core-js project needs your help, so the package shows a message about it after installation. If it causes problems for you, you can disable it:. You can import only-required-for-you polyfills, like in examples at the top of README. Just some examples:. In the pure version, we can't pollute prototypes of native constructors. Because of that, prototype methods transformed into static methods like in examples above. But with transpilers, we can use one more trick - bind operator and virtual methods.

The bind operator is an early-stage ECMAScript proposal and usage of this syntax can be dangerous. core-js is integrated with babel and is the base for polyfilling-related babel features:. Now it's deprecated in favour of separate inclusion of required parts of core-js and regenerator-runtime and, for preventing breaking changes, left on core-js 2. With useBuiltIns option, you should also set corejs option to used version of core-js , like corejs: '3. Recommended to specify used minor core-js version, like corejs: '3.

It works for all entry points of global version of core-js and their combinations, for example for. if target contains an old environment like IE 11 we will have something like:. In the case of useBuiltIns: 'usage' , you should not add core-js imports by yourself, they will be added automatically. It automatically replaces usage of modern features from JS standard library to imports from the version of core-js without global namespace pollution, so instead of:. Fast JavaScript transpiler swc contains integration with core-js , that optimizes work with the global version of core-js.

Example of configuration in. swcrc :. By default, core-js sets polyfills only when they are required. That means that core-js checks if a feature is available and works correctly or not and if it has no problems, core-js use native implementation. But sometimes core-js feature detection could be too strict for your case.

For example, Promise constructor requires the support of unhandled rejection tracking and species. Sometimes we could have inverse problem - knowingly broken environment with problems not covered by core-js feature detection.

It does not work with some features. Also, if you change the default behaviour, even core-js internals may not work correctly. For some cases could be useful to exclude some core-js features or generate a polyfill for target engines. You could use core-js-builder package for that. core-js tries to support all possible JS engines and environments with ES3 support. Some features have a higher lower bar - for example, some accessors can properly work only from ES5, promises require a way to set a microtask or a task, etc.

However, I have no possibility to test core-js absolutely everywhere - for example, testing in IE7- and some other ancient was stopped. The list of definitely supported engines you can see in the compatibility table by the link below. Write if you have issues or questions with the support of any engine. core-js project provides as core-js-compat package all required data about the necessity of core-js modules, entry points, and tools for work with it - it's useful for integration with tools like babel or swc.

The visualization of compatibility data and the browser tests runner is available here , the example:. Modules es. assign , es. create , es. define-getter , es. define-property , es. define-properties , es.

define-setter , es. entries , es. freeze , es. from-entries , es. get-own-property-descriptor , es. get-own-property-descriptors , es. get-own-property-names , es. get-prototype-of , es. has-own , es. is , es. is-extensible , es. is-frozen , es. is-sealed , es. keys , es. lookup-setter , es. lookup-getter , es. prevent-extensions , es. proto , es. to-string , es. seal , es. set-prototype-of , es.

name , es. Just ES5: es. aggregate-error , es. cause , es. from , es. is-array , es. of , es. copy-within , es. fill , es. find , es. find-index , es.

find-last , es. find-last-index , es. iterator , es. includes , es. push , es. slice , es. join , es. unshift , es. index-of , es. last-index-of , es. every , es. some , es. for-each , es. map , es.

Spec , module web. js, like in native implementation, available events unhandledRejection and rejectionHandled :. Launching GitHub Desktop If nothing happens, download GitHub Desktop and try again. Initiative Constitutional Amendment. Young Tarboro team has bright future despite state championship loss. Automatically indent code reload page after changing.

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